(1) Introduction - The age of the girl

"Japan in the 1990s and 2000s became the source of a range of complicated material about sexualized schoolgirls and girls with power, which was broadly cathartic to male viewers and in specific cases hostile to women, but whose precise import and insider ironies could remain obscure, foreign, and conveniently lost in translation. Cute shōjo (girl) and sexy schoolgirl (joshi kōsei) figures have been celebrated as wonderfully, incomprehensibly Japanese and kooky. But the fascination with animated and licentious Japanese schoolgirls in the US and Europe perhaps hints at depths of hidden longing, nostalgia, and resentment of women, that are not otherwise easily discerned in the public sphere in North American and European culture."(2)

[Genoeg dubbele bodems in ieder geval. Er was in ieder geval genoeg in Japan voor vrouwen om ontevreden over te zijn.]

"The retraction of unrewarded female contributions appeared to be having a corrosive impact on the strength of the family, the labor force, the population, and national morale."(3)

[Er was op alle mogelijke terreinen sprake van emancipatie van de Japanse tradities voor vrouwen. ]

"The proportions of young women choosing not to marry or not to have children—which are closely concomitant in this society (Hertog, 2009: 1–4)—have risen in the 1990s and 2000s as the proportion of unmarried men and women (mikonsha) of parenting age has risen without pause."(3)

"Observe the increases in the rate of young women pursuing university education in Figure 1.2. In 1970, 6.5 percent, and by 1989, 14.7 percent of women were going to university. This figure rose rapidly in the 1990s, almost doubling to 33.8 percent by 2002 and tripling by 2011, when entering university was achieved by 45.8 percent of all young women."(3)

"With and without degrees, however, women were struggling to find employment and to stay in the workforce despite the pressure of low wages linked to part-time and non-permanent employee status and the largely maintained exclusion of women from managerial track positions with corresponding higher salaries."(4)

"From the 1980s to the 2010s both mass media and underground culture mirrored government policy-making, in the sense that it too was dominated by the vision of ranks of able, heroic, and energetic young women."(6)

"Within male-oriented subculture and journalism, however, ambivalence about the liveliness of women (“onna wa genki”), who were felt to be fully applying themselves neither to corporate needs nor duties in the home but who had instead disposable income and leisure to hand, were distilled into the evolving stereotype of the selfish and assertive gyaru(...) Public shaming of young women perceived to be ambitious and insufficiently obedient and demure was partly concealed"(7)

[Maar niet in het wereldje van mannen onderling, uiteraard.]

"While this phenomenon has escalated in the recent historical period, we can also observe that girls have been the key personae of largely male cultural imagination and production from the early twentieth century, when girls of an independent mind became the focus of tension in naturalist literature and an emblem of modernization in the mass media."(8)

"Our study takes as its starting point an extraordinary event in the passage of media and subcultures that took place initially in a narrow window of time between 1996 and 1998. Early in 1996, liberal news-magazines and broadsheets in Japan discovered that high-school girls (joshi kōsei) had developed a lucrative new activity called enjo kōsai (translated in this book as compensated dating), which involved going on dates—probably involving sex—to get money or goods." [mijn nadruk] (8-9)

[Probably? Waar is het bewijs voor zo'n bewering?]

"The right to spy, know, and make public judgments of the private lives of high-school girls was forcibly carved out through invasive media work and social research. Every utterance made by the schoolgirls intercepted was absorbed by microphone booms held in front of their faces. Something similar to the per- formance of Tokyo media professionals “catching” (tsukamaru) schoolgirls had happened in England three decades earlier in the 1960s, in what became the first and most influential academic case study of the media creation of a “moral panic.”" [mijn nadruk] (12)

"The chief designer of the 1996 TMG Youth Survey, the results of which were widely cited as the source of evidence that compensated dating was a serious problem, was discreet but clear about his own interpretation of the results: “Compensated dating is not a serious problem, simply because the number of children involved is so few. Compensated dating is not a social problem so much as a media phenomenon” (Iwama Natsuki interview, April 2003)." [mijn nadruk] (13)

[Typisch voor een morele paniek: de bedenkelijke rol van de media die sensatiebelust een gebeuren opkloppen tot gigantische proporties. ]

"This book is based on interviews, shared activities, and a few long-running relationships with many of the few dozen individuals involved in producing the great majority of the original copy about deviant schoolgirls and compensated dating, as well as its alternative and more progressive versions."(14)

[Volgt een overzicht van allerlei mensen die een rol speelden in het fenomeen en in het boek aan de orde komen. Veel schrijvers en filmers ook.]

"It is important that the reader takes particular note of the fact that the creators, including the people named above, were almost exclusively male sociologists, journalists, artists, novelists, intellectuals, film directors, and sundry other image professionals, who had a specific male imaginative trajectory embedded in social and symbolic networks dominated by men. Unraveling the ways in which the cult of schoolgirls has been generated necessarily becomes a feminist project because, with the exception of a few highly prominent female writers and photographers, the academic, legal, and cultural pioneers of material about delinquent schoolgirls were men." [mijn nadruk] (16-17)

"Enquiries into the academic, journalistic, and cultural activities of these individuals—and many other either unknown or more peripherally engaged editors, academics, local government officials, lawyers, and writers—are the principal empirical sources grounding the analysis in this book."(17)

"As a liberated European and female researcher and visitor to these magazine offices, with no clear political angle or immediate employment interest invested in how schoolgirls ought to behave, I exerted little consistent impact on how editors and specialists chose to talk to me... (...) Unlike other overseas journalists, especially from North America, I also displayed little personal, moral or entertainment interest in the sex-lives of (underage) schoolgirls. "(18)

[Dat lijkt me goed, minstens niet sensatiebelust, maar dat is desondanks wel waar het om draait: de moraal rondom het seksleven van tieners. Heeft ze dan geen standpunt hier?]

"there was a large secondary global market for copy about materialist and slatternly Japanese schoolgirls in the English-speaking press."(18)

[Tuurlijk: de VS en de UK en Australië en de sensatiepers daar waar seks van jongeren "niet bestaat" en zeker ook niet mag bestaan.]

"Rising levels of interest in Japanese schoolgirls outside of Japan has been amply evidenced online and in art, film, and fun publications"(19)

"Yet despite this enormous media and cultural output purveying the shock of amateur schoolgirl prostitution, and several large quantitative sociological surveys carried out among schoolgirls, no evidence gathered suggested that the activity of compensated dating was either consistent in terms of what it referred to, or increasing." [mijn nadruk] (20)

"Alarm about compensated dating was also rooted in a deeper, even ancient, concern: the possibility of female independence through independent employment, or sexual freelancing."(21)

"Ethnic play has been an intriguing dimension of gyaru subcultures, and of the “black face” (ganguro) and “witch” (yamanba) styles that emerged as later derivations of kogyaru style from 1999."(21)

(25) 2 - Gathering and interpreting the statistical evidence

[Dit hoofdstuk gaat over alle cijfertjes en interpretaties ervan die circuleerden, bij de een hoog, bij de ander laag. De betrouwbaarheid ervan laat vaak te wensen over of het nu hoog of laag is.]

"Statistics of compensated dating that the 1996 TMG Youth Survey yielded were universally interpreted as high figures, and as official proof of the seriousness of the problem of schoolgirl prostitution (shōjo baishun)—with which compensated dating was generally conflated. Headlines in newspapers shouted “4%!”" [mijn nadruk] (26)

[Heeft nu niemand echt onderzocht wat die meiden precies deden met die oudere mannen? Niemand lijkt met zekerheid te weten of en hoe vaak er seks aan te pas kwam.]

"What was not reported was that a notable 2.9 percent of 12- to 13-year-old first-year middle-school boys also said they had done compensated dating (1996 TMG Youth Survey, 1997: 50), rather undermining the significance of the magical number 4, and raising doubts as to what the word “compensated dating” in fact meant to the school population. If “compensated dating” was something young lads did as well as older teenage girls, then what was it?"(27)

[Precies. ]

"While the significance of compensated dating snowballed from the mid-1990s onwards, what it referred to did not become any clearer; in fact, it remained, at core, uncertain for the duration of the 1990s. According to Iwama Natsuki, whose company conducted the 1996 TMG Youth Survey, compensated dating was a “subtle slang word with an indirect meaning” being used among schoolchildren to mean “earning money by ‘meeting people’ and any type of ‘sexual service’ that did not include full sexual intercourse” (Iwama Natsuki interview, November 1997)." [mijn nadruk] (27)

"On the basis of the preliminary interview survey, the team discovered that by March 1997 there remained “considerable variation in how high-school girls defined ‘compensated dating.’”(...) Responses were more specific than those generated by the 1996 TMG Youth Survey: 2.3 percent of high-school girls stated that they had been on a compensated date that included sexual intercourse; another 2.3 percent had been on a compensated date that included a sexual activity other than intercourse; and a further 4.8 percent of respondents said that they had been on a compensated date that involved meeting in a café but that had not involved any sexual exchange at all (1997 AWF Survey, 1998: 13)." [mijn nadruk] (28)

[Hèhè, eindelijk een serieus en goed onderzoek naar de kwestie. Die cijfers zijn dus het meest betrouwbaar.]

"Given the demonstrably large size of the sex-service industry and its continued position as a major employer of female labor, it seems plausible that a certain percentage of teenage girls and young women must gravitate towards finding temporary, casual, or long-term employment in its studios and cubicles, regardless of any political or moral campaigns and specific occasions of media labeling and prurience."(29)

[M.a.w.: in feite was er altijd al een groep jongeren die in dat wereldje terecht kwamen.]

"Proven or otherwise, the debate about the schoolgirl problem encouraged first local governments and later national lawmakers to extend the legal controls on child prostitution. The first legal controls, introduced in 1997, aimed to criminalize adults soliciting schoolgirls, seeking to protect juvenile females from male exploitation. Within three years, however, a New Youth Law (Shin Shōnen Hō, 2000) firmly re-established teenage girls (or boys) as responsible parties liable to severe criminal punishment if caught offering “indecent invitations” or pimping one another as amateur prostitutes available for cash.
Between 1952 and 1985 a Youth Ordinance (Seishōnen Jōrei) was introduced in one of three versions in every prefecture and became the principal law regulating the access of children and adolescents to the sex-services industries (fōzoku eigy) through the censorship of violent and pornographic materials and the control and punishment of those involved with sexual activities involving minors, largely schoolgirls (Sasaki, 2000: 6)."(33)

"There was another constellation of individuals in Japan who disagreed with the introduction of new legislation protecting juvenile females and argued in favor of legalizing prostitution by abolishing the 1956 Prostitution Prevention Act. Their focus on sexual self-determination was highly libertarian and strongly influenced by the state of international discourse about prostitution, which in the 1990s was led by academic attempts to de-stigmatize and legally protect sex-workers, linked to published accounts of North American Sex Workers." [mijn nadruk] (35)

"The feedback cycle, which was also cumulative, picking up new layers of media and the arts as it rolled on, was eventually slowed in the 2000s through direct and discreet police enforcement of media “self-regulation” of material “harmful” to minors, and a series of stringent new laws controlling youth activities and effectively criminalizing delinquent posturing. Despite the brief focus of local ordinances on criminalizing men for the sexual consumption of unprotected minors enacted from 1997, later legislation, backed by police and national government, criminalized the delinquent behavior of young women and their friends. While there was no longitudinal or stable evidence about whether compensated dating or girl prostitution was widespread or not, the legislative reaction to ostensibly humiliating reports of a society in serious moral disarray served to concretely increase surveillance and legal intervention to block voluntary, boundary-testing youth sexual experimentation." [mijn nadruk] (37)

[Gezichtsverlies vermijden gebaseerd op onwaarheden. ]

(39) 3 - Compensated dating as a salaryman subculture

"Though compensated dating was hastily interpreted as a form of schoolgirl effrontery, in terms of cultural production it would have been more accurately described as a risqué subculture for company and government employees led by male intellectuals and fashionable cultural figures. For these people it was a distinctively male subculture that delighted in playacting at the boundaries of teenage prostitution, vicarious loitering around incestuous sentiments, and male privilege. Its principal pleasures, that is, were indirectly political, based to some extent on the liberating bravado of covertly ridiculing feminism and contemporary Euro-American political values." [mijn nadruk] (39)

"According to the estimates of adult video industry insiders, “about 30 percent” of porn movies produced in 1996 were about high-school girls, this proportion doubling to “about 60 percent” in 1997 (Obi and Kakino interview, 6 January 1998), before falling off in favor of the less legally problematic category of “young wives” (hitotsuma, wakatsuma) in 1998."(48)

"Reports of schoolgirls being presented as gifts became relatively common during 1996 and 1997. The employment of schoolgirls as amateur companions was a brief and grittily risqué adjunct to the institutionalized use of hostess clubs with attentive hostesses as settings for corporate entertainment and courting clients (Allison, 1994)."(42)

"Investigative reportage in AERA magazine described exclusive hotel lounge parties for wealthy businessmen, to which flocks of schoolgirls had been introduced to mingle with the guests, and perhaps to retire with them to nearby private rooms (Hayami, 1996a: 65)."(43)

"When journalists paid girls to talk to them, preferably about sex, the distinctions between media research (shūzai), social documentary, and child solicitation (jidō kaishun) became blurred."(50)

"This hip-looking journalist estimated that he had earned between five and six million yen writing commissions on schoolgirl trends for men’s magazines between summer 1996 and summer 1997. But the girls also had to be paid: “Typically girls get paid about three thousand yen to meet a journalist like myself for a couple of hours, though recently I’ve become well-trusted, so I don’t have to pay every time anymore” (Matsuoka interview, 23 December 1997)."(52)

"Professional schoolgirls had several other avenues for earning money by meeting media professionals."(52)

"Girls received financial inducements from journalists keen to get them to talk, and transcribed encounters with schoolgirls tended to collapse soliciting and ethnography into a single process."(53)

"Unless a journalist is prepared to join the “nameless scores of men who meet girls without showing a proper business card, and then go to an anonymous room to give them money for sex,” there is little possibility of getting close enough to them to write a book about their sexual psychology."(54)

"Precise transcriptions of the utterances of schoolgirls, or young women claiming to be high-school girls (nanchatte kōkōsei), became the principal mode of evidence in both newspaper articles and popular anthropological surveys.(...) the protocol for protecting informant anonymity also protected writers from the requirement to provide even proximately verifiable evidence of their sources."(55)

[Het is één grote gemanipuleerde weergave. ]

(60) 4 - Kogyaru chic - Dressing as a delinquent girl

"Despite its heavily constructed emergence, kogyaru fashion and posing became a powerful street fashion that began to thrive on media stereotypes of gauche and lumpen prostitute schoolgirls, and the play and work opportunities offered through capturing the attention of media, academic, and government bodies."(61)

"Attitudes toward kogyaru among their peers generate an impression of the class sentiments lurking in reactions to the style. Kogyaru looks fascinated a minority but enraged and repelled the majority of their teenage classmates. First and foremost, their peers confirmed that the kogyaru look was, if nothing else, sexy:" [mijn nadruk] (70)

"Kogyaru fashion brought into daylight a more closeted vein of bawdy and working- class girls’ culture and experience in Japan. It was not for the faint-hearted, and not a look with which most girls had fun being associated. In practice most schoolgirls compromised with a nod toward full ensemble, by donning what some girls ironically categorized as the “have to” (sho ga nai) of wearing “loose socks.”" [mijn nadruk] (73)

[Dit hoofdstuk alleen maar gescand.]

(88) 5 - The surveillance of financial deviancy

"One of the core images of the media narrative on deviant schoolgirls in the 1990s was that of a schoolgirl grasping a wad of 10,000-yen notes in her small hand (see Figure 5.1). Girls protecting and totting up their cash became continual themes in drama and journalism. Sexual experience and experience with money became intertwined taboos in imagery and reportage."(88)

"Accumulating criticism of the materialism of young women typified as gyaru (Bardsley, 2005: 113–115; Kinsella, 1995: 243–250) found a new edge in news about schoolgirls willing to prostitute themselves to get funds and brandname products, and less than willing to be chaste daughters preserving themselves for marriage and a husband. Long-running suspicions about a frustrating female reluctance to marry and raise children (Schoppa, 2006: 150–182; Ueno and Ogura, 2003) unless they could find the ideal suitor—wealthy, in a stable and prestigious career, helpful, and liberal in his views and expectations of his wife—deepened in the twenty-first century." [mijn nadruk] (95)

[Dat is een wonderlijk voorkeur: mannen moeten rijk en succesvol zijn en hun vrouw de ruimte laten. Los van het materialistische: alsof dat meestal niet volkomen tegenstrijdig is. En dan willen we wel trouwen en kinderen krijgen, dan gooien we onze principes graag overboord.]

"Compulsive attention to the vaudeville of schoolgirls doing compensated dating indicated the spectacular reemergence in the 1990s of one of the most hoary and historically entrenched tension points in modern Japanese society: the potential of young women utilizing their sexuality, and perhaps the sex industry, too, to forge independent livelihoods and solo lifestyles which remove them from financial dependence and service in the family. Sitting on the delicate structural conjunction of class and gender, the anxiety about girls losing their purity is especially sensitive in respect to those “ordinary girls” (futsu no ko) originating in good middle-class families who ought not to either want or need to resort to earn money to support independent lives."(96)

"Throughout the twentieth century, Japanese law has effectively tolerated prostitution managed within recognized businesses (fūzoku eigy), but has prevented schoolgirls and amateurs from operating their own deals on the streets and online. In the context of a society featuring the widespread use of indentured female labor in factories and in brothels, and one in which many fathers took up their legal right to sell their daughters into the early decades of the twentieth century, voluntary or casual prostitution instigated by women for their own profit rather than to supplement “household income” (Hunter, 1993: 2) has long been considered a deviant market associated with problematic female independence." [mijn nadruk] (96)

"Access to a cheap and plentiful labor force of young and teenage women, whose earnings were largely diverted back to their fathers, has been recognized as a significant element in the stimulation of a modern capitalist economy in Japan.
Another group of girls were sold by their relatives to brothels on fixed contracts of between two and six years, in exchange for lump sums in cash known as “advanced loans” (zenshakkin), ostensibly borrowed against their daughters’ future earnings." [mijn nadruk] (100)

"Nevertheless feminist historian Suzuki Yuko argues that the conditions of female labor of prewar Japan overall were those of de facto slavery..."(101)

"To physically prevent girls from running away from brothels and factories, they were housed in locked and supervised dormitories in compounds with high walls, which operated in practice as a “detention house” system (Tsurumi, 1990: 67)."(102)

"The absolute poverty of female workers has forced them to maintain long-term dependent relationships with their parents as “daughters” (musume), and to find themselves caught between either financial dependence on husbands after marriage, or financial insecurity and poverty living alone. Regardless of the fascination stimulated by the image of teenage girls clutching wads of cash, it was in fact male, elite, management-track employees of large companies who received the highest salaries and substantial cash bonuses. In the contemporary period, the wages of high-school girls have been lower than those of almost any other social group, bar those of women re-entering the labor force after childbirth and raising children." [mijn nadruk] (105)

[Dat zegt alles. Ik zou ook in opstand komen bij dat soortt verhoudingen.]

(107) 6 - Girls as a race

"In the press, the terms “nega-film,” “nega-make” (photo-negative make-up), and “panda-make” were used to describe the faces of gyaru with tanned skin with white rings around the mouth and eyes. Girls became referred to unanimously as “black faces” (ganguro), and girls sporting its most extreme affectations were called “witches” (yamanba). Racial innuendo joined, and to some extent displaced, sexual wordplay in paying court to kogyaru fashion." [mijn nadruk] (107)

"Journalists protested that black faces and witches were an affront to the tastes of their male readers."(108)

[Verder gescand.]

(130) 7 - Ganguro, Yamanba, and transracial style

"What is more, a look through both nearcontemporary and historical writings and social policy on young women shows that maintaining a stock of sexually chaste and pure-blooded ethnic Japanese girls—and insulating them from the temptations of foreign travel, foreign female behavior and fashion, and racial miscegenation—has been a longstanding concern. This is so much the case that a complex antiphony has evolved between ideological, literary, and aesthetic proscriptions of virginal, obedient, gentle, and maternal ideal girls, chartered predominantly from within the educated male camp, and what might be called the “anti-Japanese” tendency of girls’ culture. Across the span of girl genres, dynamic girl characters with invented and hybrid ethnicities have emerged. Young women displaying commitment to either the closeted and fan-ish sphere of girls’ communications and comics, or to extrovert and cosmopolitan modes of female performance, have in turn been singled out and stigmatized as racial and cultural traitors to Japan." [mijn nadruk] (130)

[Een typisch mannenstandpunt natuurlijk. ]

"The universal institutionalization of the enlightened, middle-class ideals of schoolgirl purity (junsui) and asexuality in postwar educationalist society (gakureki shakai) made prostitution and female sexual promiscuity conversely attractive to avant-garde creators, from Terayama Shūji to Imamura Shōhei, and later in Lolita-complex material."(137)

"In the flamboyant polycultural tastes of kogyaru, and the dark-skinned, white- lipped, blue-eyed mischief of ganguro and yamanba, the trajectory of female cultural imagination and experience, which had crystallized around sexual and ethnic ambivalence, reached a climactic standoff with the mass media and its audiences."(145)

[Ook alleen maar gescand.]

(151) 8 - Minstrelized girls

"There may be an interesting parallel between the intense male cultural interest in girl characters in modern Japan, particularly in the 1980s to the present 2010s, and the phenomenon of blackface minstrelsy in the Northeastern American states, particularly at its peak, in the mid-nineteenth century. Though these two cultural formations are not and could not be identical, exploring their points of similarity does contribute an additional historical perspective from which to apprehend again the elaborate caricaturing of girls in contemporary Japan."(151)

[Overgeslagen. Te veel details die niet boeiend zijn voor mij.]

(167) 9 - Schoolgirl revolt in male cultural imagination

"The intensifying feeling expressed online and in film and art of the later 1990s and 2000s was that many young women in Japan were disenchanted and openly operated in a different moral universe from the rest of the nation. The drama of female disaffection from men, often portrayed as their abusive or tyrannical fathers, was produced over and again in literature, art, film, and media discussion in the 1990s to 2000s." [mijn nadruk] (167)

"The thrilling martial-arts-inspired fights of angry schoolgirls and their older sisters (o’ne san) against otaku fetishists and an abusive patriarchy are turned into an epic in Sono Sion’s Love Exposure (Ai no Mukidashi, 2008). See the schoolgirl heroine of this film with yet another uniform to wear fresh from the dry-cleaners and slung over her shoulder in Figure 1.10."(168)

"The girl as savior of mankind has attracted the notice of critics such as Ōtsuka Eiji and Saitō Tamaki, however. Thomas Lamarre explores how the “only a girl can save us now” plotline is also bound up with ways of representing styles of technology and wider views of social progress (Lamarre, 2009: 77–85)."(168)

"Intellectual and cultural work about violent or sexual female resistance has been written and directed all but exclusively by older men."(168)

"The prostitution of schoolgirls was seen to represent a challenge to the social order."(169)

"From the earliest stages of reportage, schoolgirls were described as having a sense of “pride” about how they managed their relationships and finances. For anti-Christian feminists and social critics, casual prostitution was seen as a powerful rejection of the management of young female sexuality. Feminist intellectual Ueno Chizuko supported AERA investigative journalist Hayami Yukiko’s girls use “sexual autonomy as an act of retaliation” (Hayami in Ueno and Miyadai, 1999: 61). While feminist engagement with the issue of compensated dating was marked mainly by a skeptical silence, Miyadai Shinji and Ueno Chizuko joined forces with other well-known journalists and lawyers to support the “sexual self-determination” (sei no jikoketteiken) struggle of schoolchildren refusing physiological repression: “We have to trust in the capacity of children for self-determination. In fact, just trusting in it is not enough. It is the task of parents and society in general now to make a space for self-determination” (Ueno in Ueno and Miyadai, 1999: 99)." [mijn nadruk] (169)

"Over the next two years, compensated dating and “man mugging” (oyajigari, or “hunting men”) became entwined themes."(170)

"Scenes of schoolgirls triumphantly getting the better of older men, absent fathers, girl-sick nerds (otaku), and sexist schoolteachers became a key theme of literature, comics, and film presented in a social realist or documentary style."(170)

"In Love Exposure (2008), Sono Sion presents Yoko, a violent schoolgirl who gets a high from smashing up the homes of happy families. In material involving self-harm and violence, including major films such as Battle Royale (2000) and All About Lily Chou Chou (Lily Chō Chō no subete, 2002), schoolgirls, and sometimes their schoolboy friends, too, are depicted as both the victims and the perpetrators of a more demotic and mute vein of delinquent violence. Self-destruction is presented as a form of willful protest that strikes back against controlling guardians and mass institutions."(174)

[Dit zijn zo'n beetje de kernzaken. Kinsella komt met een eindeloze reeks voorbeelden van bijvoorbeeld films. Zo veel acedemisch detail is voor mij niet wezenlijk.]

(188) 10 - Problems compensating women

"Despite similarities in the essential subject matter—compensating women for sexual labor—compensated dating was rarely consciously connected to the other major news story with which it ran parallel, namely the story about demands for compensation for Asian comfort women (jūgun ianfu) forced to provide sex for the Japanese military during the Pacific War."(188)

[Sla ik ook over. ]